为什么西方为巴黎游行而不为昆明游行?
2015-02-25 20:41 我要评论(0)
核心提示:自从法国讽刺报刊查理周刊的巴黎办事处遇袭并导致12人遇难以来,中国网民目睹西方的团结并且流出一定程度的不满
Expert answers range from the state of Chinese civil society to Western discrimination.
By Bethany Allen-EbrahimianBethany
In the days since the attacks that killed 12 people at the Paris offices of the satirical French newspaper Charlie Hebdo, Chinese netizens have watched the outpouring of solidarity and reacted with a degree of resentment. Why, some on Chinese social media have asked, does Paris get a unity march, when the knife attacks that killed 27 people in the Kunming railway station on March 1, 2014, received so little attention in the West? A panel of experts addresses this question.
自从法国讽刺报刊查理周刊的巴黎办事处遇袭并导致12人遇难以来,中国网民目睹西方的团结并且流出一定程度的不满。一些人在中国社交媒体上发出疑问:当2014年3月1日昆明火车站发生惨案导致27人死亡的时候为什么几乎没有获得西方的关注?上述专家为这个疑问做出了自己的解答。
Bethany Allen-Ebrahimian, Tea Leaf Nation Fellow, Foreign Policy magazine
《外国政策》杂志茶叶国家(媒体)研究员贝瑟尼·艾伦·艾布拉姆西
To answer the question most narrowly, there was no march after the Kunming knife attack because Chinese people in Kunming did not march.
But the question is really a broader one: Why didn't Western countries demonstrate greater solidarity with China after the Kunming knife attack? Here, Chinese censorship and the so-called Great Firewall of censorship play an important role. French citizens share numerous social media platforms, notably Twitter, with millions of others worldwide. When a French artist created the hashtag #JeSuisCharlie and it started to trend on Twitter, people around the world were able to easily notice and join in the online solidarity. But by blocking Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube in mainland China, Chinese authorities have consciously and purposefully cut off Chinese Internet users from social media platforms widely used in the rest of the world. This makes it much more difficult for people outside of China to share in online solidarity with events close to the heart of Chinese netizens, as the Kunming attack clearly was.
但是更深的问题是:为什么西方国家在昆明持刀袭击事件后没有表明要与中国更加团结呢?原因是:中国的审查制度和所谓的审查防火长城扮演了重要的作用。法国公民与世界各地的无数人拥有很多共同的社交媒体阵地,尤其是推特。当法国艺术家创作出"我是查理"的微博时,它就在推特上推广了。但是由于在大陆屏蔽推特、非死不可和YouTube,中国当局有意识地并且有目的地切断中国网民与在其他地方广泛使用的社会媒体平台。这导致虽然昆明袭击发生了,但是外面的人很难通过互联网和中国网民站在一起。
In addition, the aura of authoritarian reach surrounding the reporting on the Kunming attack, as well as suppression of social media reactions, created initial skepticism among outside observers as to the true nature of what had transpired in Kunming. China's tightly controlled media were instructed to run only state-sanctioned reports, and avoid large headlines and gruesome photos. Witnesses to the knifing posted photos on Chinese social media, but censors quickly went through and deleted these photos and other non-sanctioned personal accounts of the brutal attack. Authorities immediately pinned the blame for the attack on "Xinjiang separatists" yet provided no evidence for this claim; as Western media outlets could not independently verify this, they were slow to adopt the language of terrorism. But Chinese netizens noticed this reluctance and slammed it as a Western "double standard." Some in China seem to remain unaware that Western media did later call the attack an act of terrorism, and resentment continues to simmer in Chinese social media — as the online reaction to the Paris march demonstrates.
另外,政府定的调子影响着昆明袭击的报道,同时也压制着社会媒体的反应。这导致了外部观察者最初对于昆明发生的事情持有怀疑态度。受中国严厉控制的媒体按照指示发布国家批准的报告,不用大标题和可怕的照片。目击者把相关照片上传到中国的社交媒体上,但是网监部门很快介入并且删除了这些照片还有其他未经过批准的对于此次残忍袭击的个人报道。当局立即谴责是"疆独"搞了这次袭击,然而却没有提供证据来表明自己的说法;由于西方媒体无法靠自己辨别这种说法,所以它们很难马上就采用这是恐怖袭击的说法。但是中国网民注意到了西方媒体表态的勉强,于是指责这是西方的"双重标准"。一些中国人似乎还不知道西方媒体的确在后来称这个事件是恐怖袭击,所以中国人的怨恨继续在网上发酵——从中国网民对巴黎游行所做出的反应可以看出这一点。
Taisu Zhang, Associate Professor, Duke University:
杜克大学 副教授 张太苏
As a Chinese citizen who observed both attacks and their social media aftermath from afar, I find it impossible to shake the impression that the Western reaction to Paris was indeed more visceral and passionate than the reaction to Kunming. It may be somewhat attractive to blame this on the relative paucity of information on Kunming, but it is also true that, even after the basic facts of the knife attacks were fairly well-established, they never triggered anything remotely close to the level of Western grief or outrage that immediately followed the Paris shootings. There is also a strong likelihood that, among the many millions of Facebook or Twitter users who reposted #JeSuisCharlie, only a minority had more than a cursory knowledge of the shootings, and only a tiny minority bothered to investigate their broader social or historical context. The Western online reaction to Paris was knee-jerk, emotional, and explosive — as it certainly should have been. The reaction to Kunming was, by and large, none of those things.
作为一个从宏观上观察过这两件袭击和各自媒体反响的中国人,我发现无法反驳的是,相对于昆明袭击,西方媒体对于巴黎的关心是更从心也更热烈的。这或许可以稍微怪罪于昆明袭击中相关信息的不足,但是另外一个事实是,即使在昆明刀袭的基本事实明确后,他们也从没有引发任何能稍微比得上巴黎枪击事件后立即形成的悲伤和愤怒。还有一个可能就是,在几百万非死不可或推特用户中,转发"我是查理"的人中也只有少部分对枪击事件有深入的了解,只有一小部分人深入调查这件事的社会历史背景。西方网络上对于巴黎事件的反应是下意识的,情绪化的和猛烈的——这当然是应该的。总的来说,对于昆明的反应根本就没有包含这些东西。
At the same time, there really is no reason to either expect or demand that Western audiences have a similar reaction to both incidents. I am among those who believe, reluctantly, that emotional discrimination against perceived "others" is human nature. For all the talk about globalization since the 1990s, it is probably no exaggeration to state that, to most Westerners, China remains a culturally inaccessible, ideologically foreign "other" that simply does not generate the kind of instinctive familiarity and sympathy that other Western societies do. Scholars have many concepts and theories to describe the intellectual and societal consequences of this "otherness" — orientalism, Eurocentrism, and so on — but it would be deeply misguided to believe this is a uniquely Western phenomenon (or, for that matter, a modern one; the in-group versus out-group mentality is as old as human history). As much as Chinese netizens might lash out against perceived Western apathy, they themselves did not necessarily flood Weibo with principled outrage or grief towards the Paris shootings. They might argue that this was simply a response to the Western reaction to Kunming, but that is an unsatisfying explanation either from an intellectual or moral standpoint. To claim that Western cultural and political imperialism, or the autocratic nature of the Chinese party-state, makes it difficult to emotionally respond to Paris or Kunming as one would to a similar incident within one's own cultural sphere is not so much a refutation of the "otherness" thesis, as it is an affirmation of it.
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